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ESSAYS ON SCIENCE AND
SOCIETY: Creative SparksJacob Goldenberg,
David Mazursky, Sorin Solomon*
Imagine you found out that ideas invented by a
computer were rated higher by independent experts than ideas created
by a group of humans asked to perform the same task. Would you
praise the designer of the "creative computer" for a great
achievement or would you question why human talent--usually so
potent in coping with complex cognitive challenges--created such
poor ideas? Or maybe you would question your view of the notion of
creativity. In fact, such a scenario was played out when we used a
simple computerized routine to generate ideas and compared them with
ideas invented by human subjects. Why did human judges perceive the
computer's outcomes as superior to human ideas when they performed
the same task?
Creativity is considered the ultimate human activity, a highly
complex process, difficult to formalize and to control. Although
there is a general agreement regarding the distinctive nature of the
creative product (idea, painting, poem, and so on), there is a
controversy over the nature of the creative process. Some
researchers hold that the creative thinking process is qualitatively
different from "ordinary" day-to-day thinking (1-4),
and involves a leap that cannot be formulated, analyzed, or
reconstructed--the creative spark. Others adopt a reductionist view
that creative products are the outcome of ordinary thinking, only
quantitatively different from everyday thinking (5,
6).
Because creative ideas are different from those that normally
arise, people often believe that such ideas require conditions
dramatically different from the usual. The notion goes that, in
order to overcome mental barriers and reach creative ideas, total
freedom is necessary--no directional guidance, constraints,
criticism, or thinking within bounded scope (7).
Then ideas can be drawn and contemplated from an infinite space
during the creativity process (2,
8,
9).
This view prompted the emergence of various idea-generating methods:
brainstorming, synectics, lateral thinking, random stimulation, and
so on, all of which consist of withholding judgment and relying on
analogies from other members in the group or on randomly selected
analogies (10).
This family of methods relies on the assumption that enhancing
randomness, breaking rules and paradigms, and generating anarchy of
thought increase the probability of creative idea emergence.
Do these methods work? A number of researchers indicate that they
do not (5,
11-15).
Ideas suggested by individuals working alone are superior to ideas
suggested in brainstorming sessions and the performance of problem
solvers instructed to "break the rules, get out of the square, and
change paradigms" was not better than that of individuals who were
not given any instructions at all.
The failure of these methods to improve creative outcomes has
been explained by the unstructured nature of the task. Reitman (16)
observed that many problems that lack a structuring framework are
ill-defined in that the representations of one or more of the basic
components--the initial state, the operators and constraints, and
the goal--are seriously incomplete, and the search space is
exceedingly large. Indeed, many ill-defined problems seem difficult,
not because we are swamped by the enormous number of alternative
possibilities, but because we have trouble thinking even of one idea
worth pursuing.
In fact, cognitive psychology studies indicate that the detection
and use of rules during the generation of ideas may even result in
enhanced surprisingness (a dimension of creativity). For example,
according to Perkins (6),
adherence to a cognitive frame of reference involves sensitivity to
the "rules of the game" and, by functioning within a frame, one
achieves a better position from which to notice or recognize the
unexpected. The postulated association between creativity and total
freedom is challenged also by recent findings in advertising
research, an area in which creativity is central. Certain
regularities underlie successful ads, and those that match some of
these regularities stand out as more creative than ads that do not
fit these structures. In a survey of ads, 89% of the award-winning
ads contained one of six regularities, or "creativity templates." Of
these, about 25% could be schematically depicted as a simple
template termed "Replacement."
In the Replacement template, the creative process is as follows:
Given a product (P) with a trait (T), the subject
is asked to come up with a creative idea for an ad that conveys the
message that P has T. In a visual format, an
object S (symbol), which is universally identified with
T, is replaced with P. The effect is enhanced if
S is placed in a situation in which T is
essential. Moreover, the replacement operation can be iterated:
Rather than P, one can use parts of it, or aspects of it,
or objects associated with it, to replace the corresponding elements
associated with S (17,
18).
An example can make this clearer. In the advertisement for
Nike-Air shoes, the shoe has the trait (T) of "cushioning
and absorbing the shocks" caused by sports activities (19).
This ad shows a group of firemen holding a shoe, which has replaced
the life net for fire victims escaping from a burning building. The
Replacement template is followed when a product P (athletic
shoe) or one of its aspects (shape) replaces the corresponding
aspect of S (life net) in a situation where its trait
(T) ("cushioning/absorbing shocks") is crucial (saving
leaping victims). The aspect substitution can be represented by a
link between P and S. This link is in general
different from a simple pictorial metaphor, because the substitution
may lead to a new entity, which often does not exist in the real
world.
The general scheme of the algorithm can be illustrated by a
sequence of four elementary operators: Split in which a
component is detached, Exclude, which removes an attribute
or a component (the fireman's life net is excluded from the rescue
situation); Include, in which a new element S is
introduced into the environment (a Nike-Air shoe is added to the
rescue); and Link, the linking operator substitutes the
excluded component for another (the shoe replaces the net).
The Replacement structure also underlies the Bally shoe ads (20).
The advertisements associate the shoe with a sense of freedom by
replacing the contour of an island or clouds (symbols of freedom)
with the shape of a foot. Although at first glance it may appear
remote, the ad creative concept for Bally shoes has the same
fundamental scheme as the Nike-Air athletic shoe ads.
Because a template consists of a sequence of well-defined and
first-principle operations, an algorithm can be defined that can
produce ad ideas systematically. We constructed such an algorithm
and presented the ideas generated by this computerized routine to
judges, along with ideas on the same theme appearing in ads that had
won creativity competitions, ads that had been published in leading
international magazines, and advertising ideas generated by lay
subjects who were given complete creative freedom (21).
The ads represented cars, electronic appliances, alcoholic
beverages, and food products.
The independent judges rated the award-winning ads highest in
creativity and originality, although their ratings were not
significantly different from those for the magazine ads and the
computer-generated ideas. However, in both cases ads generated by
laymen were rated as inferior. This pattern of judgments showed up
in all four product categories.
How did template-matched ad ideas compare with ads that were not
based on templates? Template-matched ideas generated in a
human-ideation process were rated highest, template-matched ideas
generated by the computer were rated lower, and nontemplate human
ideas were rated lowest. This finding was obtained both for
creativity and originality judgments.
The human lay subjects given complete freedom to create failed to
reach even the low threshold of creativity determined by the simple
computer routine. This underscores the degree of impedance in
creativity that human inventors face under conditions of freedom of
thought. Indeed, the computer-generated ideas are rated higher than
those produced by those human inventors.
A structured process is the key. In creative thinking we seldom
utilize even those regularities that we have at hand. In the present
century alone, relational structures have been developed in a
variety of disciplines--linguistics (Eco, 1986; Chomsky, 1978),
anthropology (Levi-Strauss, 1974), random graphics (Palmer, 1985),
venture and transitional management (Kauffman, 1995), psychology
(Simon, 1966), and artificial intelligence (Minsky, 1988). At least
some of these structures, beyond serving as frameworks of historical
organization, are potential resources for inventive thinking.
One justification for examining regularities as potential sources
for creativity is that structures resembling the replacement
template, developed and applied in other fields, have been valued as
creative (22).
Creativity perception may be enhanced because these structures match
certain attractors, namely, paths that the self-organized
mind tends to follow (23).
Evidence for the superior creativity of template-matching ideas has
been found in new product ideation (24),
technological innovations (18),
and in advertising (25).
We should encourage creativity in new ways. Randomness is still
clearly of value: several of the greatest inventions in history
occurred randomly, as nonreplicable creative sparks. Randomness
should be reserved, however, for problems in which constraints
originating in noncreative requirements limit the solution space to
a unique or to a very small number of solutions. Most creativity
tasks cannot be accomplished by a random search, and the search
might be harmful at worst, or inefficient at best.
Regularities can serve as skeletons or an infrastructure for
generating creative ideas. With these regularities defined, outlines
of the main parameters can be fed those ideas that conform to these
parameters. This framework is likely to produce ideas that are
perceived as creative, even though the well-defined rules and the
exhaustive search used to obtain them are not what we traditionally
viewed as pure creativity. Yet, creativity is assessed by the eyes
of the beholder, not by the process by which it comes about. We must
reappraise our fundamental approaches to creativity and reevaluate
its operational definition.
References and Notes
- J. P. Guilford, Am. Psychol. 5, 186
(1950).
- A. Koestler, The Act of Creation (Penguin, Arkana, UK,
1964).
- G. Wallas, The Art of Thought (Harcourt Brace, New
York, 1926).
- D. W. MacKinnon, in Creativity, J. Roslansky, Ed.
(North-Holland, Amsterdam, 1970), pp. 19-32.
- R. W. Weisberg, Creativity Beyond the Myth of Genius
(Freeman, New York, 1992).
- D. N. Perkins, The Mind's Best Work (Harvard Univ.
Press, Cambridge, MA, 1981).
- M. Csikszentmihalyi, Creativity, Flow and the Psychology of
Discovery and Invention (HarperPerennial, New York, 1996).
- R. S. Grossman, B. E. Rodgers, B. R. Moore, Innovation
Inc.: Unblocking Creativity in the Workplace (Wordware, Plano,
Texas, 1988).
- S. Parnes, Sourcebook for Creative Problem Solving
(Creative Education Foundation Press, New York, 1992).
- E. De Bono, Lateral Thinking; Creativity Step by Step
(Harper & Row, New York, 1970).
- T. Connolly, R. L. Routhieaux, S. K. Schneider, Small Group
Res. 24, 490 (1993).
- M. Diehl and W. Stroebe, J. Pers. Soc. Psychol.
61, 392 (1991).
- ------, ibid. 53, 497 (1987).
- B. P. Paulus, T. M. Dzindolet, G. Poletes, M. L. Camacho,
Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 19, 78 (1993).
- T. J. Bouchard, J. Appl. Psychol. 53,
2 (1969).
- W. Reitman, in Human Judgments and Optimality, W
Shelley and G. L Bryan, Eds. (Wiley, New York, 1964).
- J. Goldenberg, D. Mazursky, S. Solomon, Int. J. Mod. Phys.
C 7 655, (1996).
- ------, Technol. Forecast. Social Change
61, 1 (1999).
- Weiden and Kennedy, The One Show Album (Rotovision, New
York, 1995).
- Seiler DDB, Epica (Rotovision, Paris, France, 1995).
- Reference to the experimental details is at http://bschool.huji.ac.il/templates
- G. S. Altschuller, To Find an Idea: Introduction to the
Theory of Solving Problems of Inventions (Nauka, Novosibirsk,
USSR, 1986).
- J. A. S. Kelso, Dynamic Patterns: The Self-Organization of
Brain and Behavior (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1997).
- J. Goldenberg, D. Mazursky, S. Solomon, J. Market. Res.
26, 200 (1999).
- ------, Market. Sci., in press.
- Supported by grants from the K-Mart Foundation and the
Davidson Center. We thank D. Dahl, G. V. Johar, G. Mack, M. Tuan
Pham, Y. Xielender, L. Zommer, SIT International Co., and
especially S. Efroni for his role throughout the research.
J. Goldenberg and D. Mazursky are at the School of Business
Administration, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. E-mail: msgolden@mscc.huji.ac.il
and msmazur@mscc.huji.ac.il.
S. Solomon is at the Racah Institute of Physics, The Hebrew
University of Jerusalem. E-mail: sorin@vms.huji.ac.il
dEbate responses to this article:
Read all dEbate
responses
- Templates are central to creativity
- David Haynes, medical research , Walter Reed Army
Institute of Research
- SCIENCE Online, 8 Sep 1999 [Response]
- human creativity as individual and non-reproducible
process
- Alicia Garcia Torrico
- SCIENCE Online, 10 Sep 1999 [Response]
- Understanding our own nature
- Anson Oppegaard, high school student
- SCIENCE Online, 25 Sep 1999 [Response]
- Creativity - a subjective view
- David Bland, copywriter , -
- SCIENCE Online, 25 Oct 1999 [Response]
- Unstructured? Of course creativity is
structured
- Rob Austin, Professor , Harvard Business School
- SCIENCE Online, 1 Nov 1999 [Response]
- Creativity, Structure in Language, Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis
- Fred Hodder, Research Assistant , Cambridge
University/Brookings Institution
- SCIENCE Online, 19 Feb 2001 [Response]
Volume 285, Number 5433, Issue of 3 Sep 1999, pp. 1495-1496.
Copyright © 1999 by The American Association for the
Advancement of Science.
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